Article from South Asia Graduate Research Journal
The Mahar Movement's Military Component
Richard
B. White
In the Bombay Army, `the Brahmin stands shoulder to shoulder
in the ranks, nay sleeps in the same tent with his Parwari [Mahar] soldier, and
dreams not of any objection to the arrangement.' --Rigadier John Jacob, Views
and Opinions, 1858.
Dr.
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, is famous for being "the most highly educated Untouchable
in India." His education,[109] encouraged and financed largely by the Gaikwad
of Baroda, led to his role as the Untouchable's chief spokesman, the founder of
a political party for Untouchables, and the moving spirit behind organizations,
schools, and colleges established for their uplift. One of Ambedkar's final acts was the initiation of a
Buddhist conversion movement that ultimately attracted more than 3 million
Untouchable adherents. This part of Ambedkar's story is well-known. However,
his family's military service in the British Raj is not widely acknowledged for
creating an environment that laid the foundation for his later success. Eleanor
Zelliot, an expert on Dr. Ambedkar and the Mahar movement, maintains,
"[T]he hundred year period of Mahar recruitment into British armies may
well have been the single most important factor, aside from economic reasons,
in producing the Mahar movement." This article examines the importance of
military service in improving the social status of Ambedkar's caste, the Mahars
of Maharashtra. The focus is on their relationship with the British.
The
Mahars benefited from their participation in the British Army in a number of ways.
First, military service became "a significant part of caste élan and mythology."
The first section provides the historical evidence they use to establish their credentials as a caste with
martial traditions. The paper's second section details the advantages,
especially education, that accrued from military service and discusses their
access to the government that otherwise was unavailable to Untouchables. The
final section discusses the British decision to recruit only "martial races,"
in which the Mahars were not included, for the British Indian Army and the
Mahars' efforts to gain reinstatement in the Army. The article does not focus
exclusively on Dr. Ambedkar, but uses him as a point of reference for many of
the examples given.
Early Military Participation
Eleanor Zelliot explains that the British gave Mahars the opportunity to seek different occupations from their traditional role as a village servant. She explains that before the arrival of the British, Mahars had no special skill or craft, but performed necessary duties for the village as watchmen, wall-menders, street-sweepers, removers of cattle carcasses, caretakers of the burning ground, servants of any passing governmental official.... Mahar service was essential for the village; his status was low, his work menial, but his place was secure. With the coming of the British and the spread of new ways of administration and communication, the Mahar place in the village grew less important. Military service provided Mahars with the opportunity to move beyond their traditional social position in the village. In fact, the Mahar tradition of being in armies precedes the British Raj.
Early Military Participation
Eleanor Zelliot explains that the British gave Mahars the opportunity to seek different occupations from their traditional role as a village servant. She explains that before the arrival of the British, Mahars had no special skill or craft, but performed necessary duties for the village as watchmen, wall-menders, street-sweepers, removers of cattle carcasses, caretakers of the burning ground, servants of any passing governmental official.... Mahar service was essential for the village; his status was low, his work menial, but his place was secure. With the coming of the British and the spread of new ways of administration and communication, the Mahar place in the village grew less important. Military service provided Mahars with the opportunity to move beyond their traditional social position in the village. In fact, the Mahar tradition of being in armies precedes the British Raj.
The
recorded history of the Mahars' military achievements dates back to Shivaji's Army
in the 1600s.[114] Cynthia Enloe, a noted sociologist who has written extensively
on ethnic-military relationships, states, "The best of all militaries in
the eyes of a state elite is one in which the most competent soldiers are also
the most politically reliable, because they have the greatest stake in the
continuation of the current system." The Mahars met this condition
according to descriptions of their loyalty. Colonel V. Longer, author of
Forefront Forever: The History of the Mahar Regiment, states: There were a
number of useful functions which the Mahars performed. Their Argus eye; their
daring tenacity and determination; their faithfulness, loyalty and honesty;
their courage and candour, were inestimable qualities which were always held in
respect and were for ever utilized to advantage by the village .... In course
of time, their voice carried great weight when there were disputes over property
as their evidence was considered most accurate, intimate, and trustworthy.
This
sense of loyalty and trustworthiness led Shivaji to include Mahars as a vital component
of his army. Shivaji, leader of the Maratha nation, fought for a Hindu empire,
but using Untouchables did not bother him. He "found the Mahars useful,
for the wily Maratha chief realized that the best way of obtaining the maximum
results was to mix up various castes in his garrison forces." He used the
Mahars "to watch the jungles at the foot of the hill forts, act as scouts
and [they] kept the forts supplied with wood and fodder."[118] This was
the first exposure of the Mahars to an organized army that provided its
soldiers with steady pay and benefits. After Shivaji's death, Mahar units
continued to serve his descendants throughout the 1700s. Their experience with
Shivaji and others encouraged them to seek similar employment as sepoys of the
British East India Company. Ardythe Basham, in her detailed examination of the
Mahars and the military, found the perceived early martial history to be an
important part of Mahar identity. She concludes, "Whether or not these
incidents are historically true, they are widely accepted by the Mahars as part
of their tradition, and now form part of the official history of [today's]
Mahar Regiment." The Mahars have often used this martial identity, rooted
in the 1600s, to legitimate their continued presence in the military.
Mahars
began their service with the British in the 1750s. Stephen P. Cohen, an expert
on the Indian Army, discusses the importance of Mahars in the Bombay Army in
his seminal work, The Indian Army: Contribution to the Development of a Nation.
He writes that Mahars were a sizeable portion of the armies of the Mahratta
chieftain Shivaji, served as hereditary local policeman, and were thus a
"natural" martial class. Heavily recruited in the premutiny years,
the Mahars constituted a fifth to a quarter of the entire Bombay Army. In
addition to the size of the Mahar contingent, they were also praised for their conduct
as soldiers. The Mahars rewarded the British with the same loyalty that Shivaji
had enjoyed. The Bombay Army fought in several battles, and in most, the Mahars
were recognized for their skills. Longer proclaims:
Much praise was showered on the Mahar Sepoys of the Bombay Army
who endured the rigours of difficult marches when rations were low and disease
was high among men and animals. Whether they were charging ahead or were
besieged or taken prisoner-of-war, whether they were storming fortresses or
making tactical withdrawals, they always stood steadfast by their officers and comrades,
never letting down the honour of their Regiments.
The
recorded history of their exploits, especially prior to the mutiny of 1857, supports
this effusive adoration. Basham located evidence of Mahar participation in the
Second and "Third Anglo-Maratha War, the Second Anglo-Sikh War and the Second
Afghan War." The Mahars' exploits in these conflicts form an important
part of their military lore.
The
Mahar participation in the battle of Koregaon on 1 January 1818 is the most famous,
and also the best documented, action involving Mahar soldiers. This battle gave
the British the advantage in the Third Anglo-Maratha War. The successful
defense of Koregaon by a small force of 500 men ... under the command of Capt.
F. F. Staunton [who] fought without rest or respite, food or water continuously
for twelve hours against a large force of 20,000 Horse and 8,000 Infantry of
[Maratha Leader] Peshwa Baji Rao II who was threatening the British garrisons
at Kirkee and Poona. Mahars dominated Staunton's unit. The Peshwa's troops
inexplicably withdrew that evening, despite their overwhelming numbers, giving
the British an important victory. The men of the 2/1st Regiment Bombay Native
Infantry, including many Mahars, who fought in this battle, were honored for
their bravery. The official report to the British Resident at Poona recalls the
"heroic valour and enduring fortitude" of the soldiers, the
"disciplined intrepidity" and "devoted courage and admirable consistency"
of their actions.[124] Further, the action is commemorated by a monument, with
the names of twenty-two Mahars killed there, erected at the site of the battle
and by a medal issued in 1851. Today, the monument still "serves as a
focal point of Mahar heroism." Similar anecdotes are recorded in the
written histories of the Mahar Regiment and Bombay Army. All demonstrate that
most Mahars soldiers were dedicated and courageous.
In
addition to Army units on land, the Mahars formed a vital component of the Bombay
Army's Marine Battalion. This unit's history is well documented and provides
numerous examples of Mahar actions,[126] including several acts of bravery by
Mahars in the battalion. In September 1810, during the Second Maratha War,
several Mahars proved their loyalty when captured by the French Navy. The
French tried to induce their prisoners to enter their own service, a practice
which enjoyed some success with Irish, Madrassi and Bengali troops. On this occasion,
the Bombay sepoys [soldiers] were shown the captured Bengal and Madras Sepoys
dressed in French uniforms and enjoying considerable privileges and luxuries,
whereupon the Bombay Detachment started abusing them as being dead to all shame
that they could forget the oath and desert their colours. The upshot was that
they were very roughly treated and some were severely wounded. To the seventeen
survivors who reached Bombay a special medal was given and of this number
twelve were Mahars.
This
is just one of many cases where Mahars distinguished themselves as a part of
the Marine Battalion and is another part of the martial history that the Mahars
used to legitimize their important role in the British Indian Army. But, in the
wake of the 1857 mutiny and threats from Russia, the British reexamined their recruitment
policies. The Mahars were a casualty of this new thinking.
The Mahars Delistment
Despite the Mahars' long martial history, the British ceased recruiting them in 1893. The Bombay and the other Presidency Armies were reevaluated following the 1857 mutiny. The Peel Commission first examined class composition of the armies in 1858. One report to the Commission "emphasized that `we cannot practically ignore it (the caste system), so long as the natives socially maintain it.'" This led to the discrimination against the Mahars and other low-caste groups as well as some Brahman castes which were considered unreliable.
The Mahars Delistment
Despite the Mahars' long martial history, the British ceased recruiting them in 1893. The Bombay and the other Presidency Armies were reevaluated following the 1857 mutiny. The Peel Commission first examined class composition of the armies in 1858. One report to the Commission "emphasized that `we cannot practically ignore it (the caste system), so long as the natives socially maintain it.'" This led to the discrimination against the Mahars and other low-caste groups as well as some Brahman castes which were considered unreliable.
General
Lord Roberts, while not originating the concept of martial races, was instrumental
in implementing a strategy of building "class regiments." Recruiting policies
were rewritten, and the Bombay Army "was notified that the Mahars, together
with a number of other classes of the Bombay Army, would no longer be recruited
to the Army." Lord Roberts recorded his rational in his autobiography,
Forty-One Years in India. He writes:
I have no doubt whatever of the fighting powers of our best
Indian troops; I have a thorough belief in, and admiration for, Gurkhas, Sikhs,
Dogras, Rajputs, Jats and, selected Mahomadans; I thoroughly appreciate their
soldierly qualities; brigaded with British troops, I would be proud to lead
them against any European enemy.
Roberts
thought that the first step to making the Indian Army was "to substitute men
of the more warlike and hardy races for the Hindustani sepoys of Bengal, the Tamils
and Telagus [sic] of Madras, and the so-called Mahrattas [sic] of Bombay."
He was convinced that In the British Army the superiority of one regiment over
another is mainly a matter of training; the same courage and military instinct are
inherent in English, Scotch, and Irish alike, but no comparison can be made
between the martial value of a regiment recruited amongst the Gurkhas of Nepal
or the warlike races of Northern India, and of one recruited from the effeminate
peoples of the south.
The
Mahars believed that their martial history demonstrated their abilities as warriors,
but the British had made their decision. Mahars could only enlist asbandsmen or
clerks. This would not provide the same opportunities for promotion, and allow
little change in their social status. As expected, the Mahars felt the British
had betrayed them after over 100 years of loyal service to the British Raj. Throughout India, there was controversy about
which groups should remain in the Army. The Mahars had support from some
British soldiers, including three commanders who recommended their continued
service. The commander of the 2nd Grenadiers argued that 'the Parwari [Mahar]
is of far better fighting material than the Deccani Mussulman," and
suggested that the Marine Battalion might be made a class regiment of Parwaries.
The commanding officer of the 9th Bombay Infantry thought that a regiment of
Parwaries, especially from the Deccan, would "give a very good account of
itself."
The
Commanding officer of the 19th Bombay Infantry stated that: "They are
possessed of as much soldierly quality as many castes of whom much higher
opinions are entertained." However, their assistance was not enough to
overcome the sentiments of Lord Roberts and other senior officers of the
British Indian Army. Longer provides an excellent commentary on the impact of
the decision on the Mahars. He writes:
The excellent system with its cosmopolitan composition, which
had worked out over the years, was dismantled and destroyed. The Mahars, who
had proudly carried the Colours of various Regiments of the Bombay Army, were
crestfallen and heartbroken. For years they had provided abundant evidence of
their courage, resolution, perseverance, constancy, and fidelity. When they
bade farewell to arms there were eight Subedar-Majors, 62 Subedars, 34
Jemadars, and a host of Non-Commissioned Officers and Sepoys of the Mahar community
who had served with distinction in the Bombay Army.
The
Mahars would continue to fight for the right to re-enlist in the Indian Army. They
were loath to lose the benefits that the military provided. Furthermore, the education
provided to the soldiers had created an educated cadre that would transfer
their skills into political action. However, there were few Mahars left in the Army
by the beginning of World War I.
Benefits Of Military Service
Eleanor Zelliot notes that the "emergence of Mahar leaders and a new spirit of militancy in the 19th century was due in large measure to the influence of education acquired in the military." The result was that [d]uring the 19th and 20th centuries, a substantial number of Mahars removed themselves from their traditional village servant role. The establishment of British rule in Bombay Presidency provided Mahars with the opportunity for service in the army, employment in cotton mills, ammunition factories, railroads, dockyards, construction work, and as servants in British homes. The 1921 Census records that only 13.5 percent of the Mahar working force of nearly 300,000 were employed in their traditional occupation even though most Mahars maintained strong ties with their ancestorial village.
Benefits Of Military Service
Eleanor Zelliot notes that the "emergence of Mahar leaders and a new spirit of militancy in the 19th century was due in large measure to the influence of education acquired in the military." The result was that [d]uring the 19th and 20th centuries, a substantial number of Mahars removed themselves from their traditional village servant role. The establishment of British rule in Bombay Presidency provided Mahars with the opportunity for service in the army, employment in cotton mills, ammunition factories, railroads, dockyards, construction work, and as servants in British homes. The 1921 Census records that only 13.5 percent of the Mahar working force of nearly 300,000 were employed in their traditional occupation even though most Mahars maintained strong ties with their ancestorial village.
The
Mahars' ability to work among the British exposed them to Western ways, and
helped them to realize that their status as Untouchables did not keep them from
working in successful and satisfying occupations. They aggressively used the
advantages provided by their relationship with the British. Military service
provided important benefits to its soldiers. The benefits include "pay and
pensions, access to education and/or specialized training, preferential access
to employment, enhanced social status, and personal satisfaction." For the
Mahars, the access to education and increased social status was the most
important benefits. The best example of their results was Dr. Ambedkar. Zelliot
writes that Ambedkar's experiences were "[f]ree from the traditional
village role, his early life was spent among educated ex-army men, imbued with
the pride of soldiers and acquainted with a more sophisticated Hinduism than
that found in the village." In fact, Ambedkar extends much of the credit
for the start of the movement to improve the Untouchables' place in society to
contact with the British Army. He maintained:
Until the advent of the British, the Untouchables were content
to remain Untouchables .... In the army of the East India Company there
prevailed the system of compulsory education for Indian soldiers and their
children, both male and female. The education received by the Untouchables in
the army ... gave them a new vision and a new value. They became conscious that
the low esteem in which they had been held was not an inescapable destiny but
was a stigma imposed on their personality by the cunning contrivances of the
priest. They felt the shame of it as they ever did before and were determined
to get rid of it.
It
is indisputable that this access to education was helpful to Ambedkar, and therefore,
to all of India's Untouchable communities.
Ambedkar's
family had extensive links to the military. Additionally, his mother's "father
and her six uncles were all Subedar Majors in the Army,"[139] the highest rank
that Indians could hold. Ambedkar's father also was a Subhedar Major and a
full-fledged teacher trained at the Normal School then established by
Government for turning out teachers to impart education that was then
compulsory for the children as well as both male and female relations of the military servants. For
fourteen years Ramji Sakpal served as Headmaster in the military school. Undoubtedly,
the accomplishments of this family were exceptional. Nonetheless, the
availability of education had a positive effect on all members of Mahars in themilitary,
including women. Consequently, Basham concludes, "The loss of this
education option with the loss of their right of enlistment was therefore a
real blow, not merely the loss of a theoretical benefit which few actually
received."
The
quality of life for soldiers and their families suffered because of the loss of
educational opportunities available through participation in the military. Mahars
joined the military with the intent of improving their social status. They were
successful in this regard. As Basham explains:
Within the closed circle of the regiment, caste prejudice was,
if not actually absent, at least officially discouraged. According to army regulations
no distinction was made between soldiers on the basis of their caste or
community .... Mahar officers were able to command men of other castes
apparently without difficulty.
After
growing up in this environment of equality it was a shock for the Untouchables
to travel and live in situations away from the military cantonments. Ambedkar's
biographer, Dhananjay Keer, writes of young Ambedkar's shock the first time he
travelled outside the military environment while he was in school. He and his
brother were travelling to meet his father in a distant village. At the railway
station, they hired a bullock cart to take them to the village, but [h]ardly
had the cart gone a few yards when the god-fearing touchable Hindu cartman, to
his wrath, came to know that the welldressed boys in his cart were the accursed
Untouchables! In a fit of rage he threw them out on the road as one overturns
the dust bins; for he felt they had polluted his wooden cart and destroyed the purity
of his domestic animals!
This
was Ambedkar's first experience that forced him to confront his status as an Untouchable.
Life in the military cantonment had sheltered him from the prejudice and
discrimination for the early part of his life. After retirement, there was a
period of adjustment for Mahars who lived outside the cantonment. Basham
concludes:
As nearly as can be deduced from rather limited information,
it would seem that while actually in the army, or after retired or taking other
employment, while in contact with British employers and officials, the Mahar
soldier was not treated in any way differently from a soldier of higher caste.
Once retired and living in his native village, a Mahar soldier, although he
might have a relatively high status among the Mahar community and even among
caste Hindus, would nevertheless once again have to accept his untouchable status.
The
important point is, even after retirement, Mahars with a military background still
had access to the British government. The retired military officers were an effective
lobby for Mahar rights.
Retired
officers also created a group of political leaders with access to the Indian government.
This was especially true near military cantonments in Poona, Satara and
Ahmednagar.[146] Basham relates an incident where Mahar children were not being
offered equal educational opportunities. Local caste Hindus and low-level British
education officials refused the Mahar demands for Mahar boys to be integrated
into classes with caste-Hindu boys. The dispute was resolved in favor of the
Mahars. Basham argues that this demonstrates they were seeking not just
education for their sons, although this was obviously important, but also an
improvement in their social status. The fact that many of these parents were
retired officers, and therefore could legitimately make a claim on the
attention to government officials, indicates the value of military service in
this respect.
Clearly,
the type of access available to the soldiers, active or retired, was unavailable
to most Untouchables All the benefits the Mahars received were the result of
their ability to develop a link with the British. This helped them overcome the
obstacles erected by the Hindu social system. Zelliot observes:
[I]t was their entry into the British army which proved
significant for the subsequent history of the Mahar movement. It is important
to gauge this significance. It consists not in any automatic elevation in the
social hierarchy through military service, which indeed is ruled out in a
hierarchical system governed by considerations of ascriptive status and ritual
purity. It rather consists in the fact that military service at such an early
date exposed them to British institutions much before the dissemination of
western culture took place on a large scale. Such an exposure socialized them
sufficiently early to the new political order so that when new opportunities
and alternatives became available, they were found prepared to use them more
effectively than those groups which did not have this opportunity.
Following
the delistment of 1893, the Mahars would need all the access and knowledge they
had gained to overcome the impact of being refused service in the Army.
The Fight For Re-enlistment
The
Mahars did not give up their positions in the Army easily. The British decision
of Mahar "[d]elistment in 1893 had been a severe blow to them as a
community, not only threatening their economic status, but also (in their view)
giving official sanction to caste Hindu discrimination against them." Overcoming
both of these threats was the focus of two different efforts to petition the
Government of India to reconsider its decision between 1894 and the start of
the first World War. The Mahars used two different strategies to influence the
government; with both they tried to regain enlistment privileges in the army
and an improved social status. Zelliot maintains that these efforts
"illustrate the importance of army service to the Mahars. This was clearly
the beginning of their efforts to induce government to intervene on their
behalf, and their questioning of their traditional inferior status." In
both instances, the movement was led by educated, former military officers.
The
first organized attempt was in April 1895. Some of the details of the petition drive
presented by Zelliot and Basham are speculative. Basham, who has completed the
most recent study, states it was originally presented to the Viceroy, but was
later returned for resubmission through the Bombay Government. It appears that the petition was submitted by
Gopal Baba Walangkar, a retired military officer, on behalf of the Anarya Doshpariharak
Mandali, the non- Aryan committee for the rightings of wrongs, an Untouchable
organization. Dr. Ambedkar, following the death of his father, found a copy of
the petition in his papers. Ambedkar "believed that his father had
obtained the assistance of Justice M. B. Ranade in preparing the
petition." The petition compares Mahar actions to those of the higher
castes and requests reinstatement in the military.
The
petition's pleas were simple. The Mahars believed that, in 1859, the Government
had declared that the castes who fought loyally for the British were to be
given due preference for military enlistment. Therefore, they demanded:
In view of that promise, Government should employ in civil,
military and police department without any discrimination these faithful and honest
persons. They should also be given education and proper opportunity for suitable
posts in the department.
The
case they presented for reinstatement was more complicated than their demands.
Much of their argument attempts to demonstrate that their identification as
Untouchables was a mistake.
The
1895 petition argues that the Mahars as a group who are actually of the
Kshatriya caste. This represents the Mahars attempt to change their position in
the caste structure by "Sanskritization." The petition states: Our ancestors were Kshatriya. In about the
year 1396 there was a great famine for about 12 years which was called
Durhavedi famine. That time our ancestors survived by eating whatever they
could find. Therefore, they were considered low case under the Peshwa rule. It
continues by attacking the legitimacy of the higher castes. It claims,
"The so called high caste and pure people's ancestors were as degraded as
our people and were used [sic] to eat flesh of cow and beef. They wrote their
own religious scriptures." Finally, the petition provides a "creation
myth" about the high castes. It
maintains:
The high caste people of the South are progeny of Australian Semitic
Anaryas and African Negroes whereas the high caste people from North are
mixture of several castes .... Several castes of foreign origin became high
caste Hindus by giving up beef-eating. The Chitpavan Brahmins of Konkan came
from the Jewish race. They fled from Africa for fear of their lives by the
invaders and their ship was wrecked nearby Malabar coast. Their children and
women drown and died in the sea. Those men who survived, married the native low
caste women.... [W]hen they became rulers, they called themselves Brahmins.
The
document's tenor shows the importance of military service to the Mahars and the
use of Sanskritization tactics to show they were at least equal to the alleged high
castes.
This
campaign was unsuccessful. The Mahars were unaware of the debate "over recruitment
policy or the acceptance of Lord Roberts views on martial races" which was
the prime component in the British decision. However, Basham shows "the
government of India took the petition seriously enough to request information about
the Koregaon monument from the government of Bombay (presumably to verify the
petitioners' claims). Eighteen months after the initial submission of the petition,
the Indian government replied that it was "unable to rescind the orders which
have been issued regarding the castes to be admitted to the Bombay Army." Shortly
after the turn of the century, a second attempt was organized. The second major
petition was submitted to the government three times between 1904 and 1910. The
document's "signatories included forty-two military pensioners"
including Dr. Ambedkar's father. Basham's research found that " [s]everal
of the signatories had also written letters to newspapers or had signed at least
one other petition, suggesting a long-term commitment and a willingness to agitate
for change."[158] This petition had a broader base of support than the one
in 1895.
This
campaign was more sophisticated than the first. The spokesman, Shivram Janba
Kamble, spoke English (Walangkar could not). More importantly, the petition's
"appeal for consideration was not on the basis of the Mahars' having been
demoted from Kshatriyahood, but on the grounds of former service, English justice
and human worth." This pragmatic approach attracted greater support than
the earlier petition, and used arguments that were later refined by Dr. Ambedkar.
In fact, Ambedkar took over leadership of the Mahars from Kamble. The 1910
petition was more polite and less argumentative than the 1895 petition. The
document states, "We do not aspire to high political privileges and
positions, since we are not educationally qualified for them, but humbly seek
employment in the lowest grades of the Public Service, in the ranks of Police
Sepoys and of soldiers in the Indian Army." It continued:
We are making no new demands; we do not claim employment in services
in which we have not been engaged before. Indeed, some few of our people do
still hold positions in the Police Force, and have acquitted themselves most
honourably. So also have our people been employed in the Indian Army from the
very commencement of the British Raj in our country, and they have risen to the
highest positions by their valour and good conduct.
Despite
the reasoned arguments, this petition demands, like the first, were denied. The
manpower demands of World War I had a greater effect, and beginning in 1914
Mahars, again, were recruited into the Army and given their own Regiment, the
111 Mahars. The Regiment's three battalions "were formed the toward the
end of the war, but they did not see action and their martial qualities were
untested." Shortly after the war, the Regiment was disbanded by the British
"on the excuse of the economy.”
More
important, however, is that the petition drives provided an organization for
Dr. Ambedkar to use after the war to improve the social status of Untouchables.
Basham correctly concludes:
Military service had been a significant factor for the Mahars
in two respects. Education and skills acquired through military service created
a class of community leaders, and the wish to retain the social and economic
benefits derived from military service was a powerful incentive to organize
behind these leaders and work for a common goal. A high level of organization
and political activity in the Mahar community by the 1940s was therefore at
least in part a consequence of their military past.
The
long association with the military gave Mahars an issue to organize around and
the movement then worked to achieve more substantial achievements than just
military service.
Conclusion
The
120 years of service in the British military gave the Mahars excellent skills. Basham
concludes:
Mahar soldiers were able to establish a link with the most
powerful institution in India--the British Raj--and in some instances to use that
link to bypass local authorities. Military service was also a way to sever the
ties of village customary law which maintained the inferior status of the
Mahars. Other forms of employment could take the Mahar out of the village, but
none offered long-term financial security in the form of pensions.
This
case study shows how military service has assisted the Mahars to fight the stigma
of untouchability. Their positive experiences fighting with Shivaji encouraged
them to seek similar opportunities from the British. It is clear, that in their
service they received their most tangible benefits. Before delistment, Mahars in
the Bombay Army received a steady wage, housing, and education. With this, many
were able to retire with a pension, which, often, eliminated the need to return
to the traditional Mahar occupations following their military service. These obvious
benefits were eliminated following the 1893 decision. However, military service still influenced
Mahar life following delistment. As Basham argues:
If the army system of education had produced no effects for
the Mahars other than to provide an appropriate environment for Ambedkar's
early life (since his father took a very strong interest in encouraging his
sons' education) this in itself would be a significant impact on the Mahar
community.
Furthermore,
the petition drives provided political organizations to press for overcoming
the stigma of Untouchability. There were other benefits that were accrued, even
if their requests for reinstatement were refused until the beginning of the
war. Kamble's work in Poona that formed the base for Ambedkar's later political
movements is the best example of this. Therefore, even after military service
was taken away from the Mahars, the traditions and accrued benefits continued
to be an advantage to this Untouchable community.
Epilogue
A
Mahar Regiment was reformed in 1945 and has existed ever since. The ceremonial
Colonel of the Regiment is K. V. Krishna Rao, former Chief-of-Staff of the
Indian Army and current Governor of Jammu-Kashmir. The preface of the Regimental
History states:
Militarily, the Mahars faced the vicissitudes of fortune, but
once the Mahar Regiment was reborn in 1945, it came into its own after India became
free .... A three-battalion [one class] Regiment blossomed into a
eighteen-battalion Regiment with men from all classes and communities of the
country fused together to form a rich and radiant amalgam.
The
Regiment has taken part in all of India's major military operations since 1947.
Just as the Mahars have survived and prospered, so has the Mahars' military legacy.
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